"On Economic Causes of Civil War" - Collier and Hoeffler (1998)
Published by Oxford Economic Papers, not very technical as they typically publish shorter pages
Clearly many dimensions of civil war:
Political
Social
Anthropological
Economic
So far with the lectures on institutions, there is clearly a link between institutions, civil war and economic growth.
This paper investigates whether civil wars have economic causes, by setting up the framework.
Economists search for marginal benefits, costs and incentives.
Civil wars begin if the rebellions benefits are sufficiently greater than the relative costs. The costs are not just financial, they are also social, psychological, etc.
Objective of the rebellion is to either overthrow the state or secede from it.
The incentive for mounting a rebellion is the expected victory, for economists that is the product of the probability of victory and its consequences.
The probability of victory is uncertain, but depends upon the capacity of the government to defend itself. If the government has a large army which is controls very effectively, that dampens the probability of success by the rebellion. This army is consequently funded through the taxes of the population so by having a large taxable base then the probability of victory for the rebellion will be low.
The military capability of the government depends upon its military expenditure.
Therefore, an exogenous indicator of the capacity for military expenditure is the taxable base. Hence, the probability of rebel victory (p), would be diminishing in the per capita taxable base of the economy (T).
So p is a a decreasing function of T
If the objective of the rebellion is to capture the state, then this capacity will be dependent upon the potential revenue of the government and hence of the taxable base.
The incentive for rebellion is the control over tax, their rent, so the expected value of rebellion is an increasing function of p(T) * T, as p(T) is the expected benefit.
Since T both reduces the probability of victory (p) and increases the gain in the event of victory, its net effect on the risk of war is a priori ambiguous.
However, if the rebellion is looking to secede the government and not overthrow it, according to these authors, one variable which will capture the desire for succession is the size of the population. It is no longer the taxable base of the pre-secession state being the determinant of the gains conditional upon victory.
For example, secession might be motivated because the region is atypically well-endowed with resources, or because the preferences of the region are under represented in the government.
The gains from rebellion are thus an increasing function of both p(T)*T (the expected value) and P (population).
The costs (different ways of putting it):
Think of rebellion as a firm and not one person standing up. They are manufacturing rebellion and require inputs, and produces an output, and the output is a quantity of rebellion. Or think of a rebellion as a political party, which is promising to overthrow the government.
The firm uses labour and capital production and requires financing and people. So, there is an opportunity cost of rebel labour. These people are farmers, labourers and you go to them to convince them to join your movement. If they join, they provide their labour but there is an opportunity cost as they are losing out on their wages.
Economists are always considering their opportunity costs, so they require compensation through their labour.
There is also a spillover effect, through disruption of work, damage to property which is a loss in terms of GDP especially through lack of economic activity and all parts of the cost. It is quite difficult to get accurate costs.
As this is a framework, we can think the costs are positively related to per capita income. The country which is fairly rich, where wages are high will find it difficult to recruit people to join the rebellion as you have to pay them something close to their opportunity cost.
On the contrary, where a country is poor and labour is cheap they find it easier to recruit people for rebellion.
Therefore, difficult to organise a rebellion purely due to economic conditions. However, if rebellion is successful the benefits are larger as the taxable base is larger because the country is reacher.
Duration of conflict is also important as the more drawn out it is, the more difficult it is for the rebels as they find it difficult to finance themselves.
The rebellion is of course not a single entity as it encompasses a large group of people which must require coordination. These people need to get along for cohesion and these are coordination or transaction costs. So, it is war-making which is a decision of a collective, so that the passge from individual interests to collective decisions should be incorporated.
If different parts of the rebel group are culturally very distinct, then it is difficult to coordinate.
They proxy taxable capacity by per capita income and the natural resource endowment.
A proxy for the benefits of secession is the size of the population.
The loss of income caused by the conflict, which is essentially the opportunity cost of labour, is proxied by per capita income.
They proxy the transaction costs of coordinated action partly by cultural distinctness and partly by size.
Cultural distinctness is measured by an index of ethno-linguistic fractionalisation. They proxy the coordination costs as the degree of heterogeneity in terms of the ethnicity and language.
This is the index.
Suppose the whole population is partitioned into n number of ethno-linguistic groups. This measure of diversity is essentially saying that if i randomly pick up two elements from all these n segments, what is the probability that they belong to different sectors. The higher the probability the more diverse they are. That is the idea behind this measure.
Whether it is a good proxy for coordination costs of rebellion is up for debate. There are transaction costs and if they are homogenous then it is easier to coordinate. An understanding of the language is necessary to get the job done, "to show up on time".
The independent variables are the occurrence and the duration of civil war.
They use the Singer and Small (1982, 1994) data set on civil wars from 1816-1992.
Singer and Small (1982) provide an operational definition of civil war. It is based on four dimensions:
The National Government in Power must be one of the Main Actors in the War.
If there are two rebel groups fighting each other and the government is not involved then it cannot be classified as civil war.
Civil war must involve the national government at the time of the conflict or when the hostilities begin.
So religous and ethnic conflict may not be considered civil war
Both Sides have the Ability to Inflict Death upon Each Other.
Of the two sides, there is typically one side relatively stronger than the other and this of course enables us to understand that "the stronger forces must sustain at least 5% of the number of fatalities suffered by the weaker forces. This rule enables them to distinguish genuine war situations from massacres, pogoms, and purges."
What the Nazi regime, and Hitler did towards the Jewish could not be explained as a civil war as there wasn't that 5% fatality towards the Nazis from the Jews.
Significant Military Action Must Take Place
Only civil wars that resulted in at least 1,000 battles related deaths per year are included in the data set.
The paper which follows looks at high vs medium vs low intensity, but as a starting point we work with 1,000.
The War must be Internal to the Country
It is not a rebel group in country A trying to overthrow the government in the neighbouring country B, that is not a civil war for country A. Neither is the case if some external group is trying to overtake the country, it has to be internal.
The regression they are running is whether or not you have a civil war in a particular country, for a particular year, and what was the per capita income, the extent of primary exports, and the extent of ethnic diversity of the population. To what extent are these factors predictors for the likelihood of civil war. Correlations not causal as there is reverse causality and massive feedback effects.
They use a probit and a tobit regression, as these are the regressions used when the outcome variable is binary, when they are either zero or one.
They are like twins
A tobit is used for the duration, for how long this happens
A probit is whether or not it happens or not
Based on these regressions there are some takeaways:
All of these are correlations
Higher the per capita income, the lower the risk of civil war. This is the negative coefficient on income, and the t-ratio is above 2, so it is quite significant. The duration is also above 2. So, richer countries typically do not experience too many civil wars and if they do the duration is also very short.
The effect of natural resources is non-monotonic, the primary commodity export is the measure of natural resources and is non-monotonic as they included both the linear term and the square term (quadratic). One is positive and one is negative which means that initially as you increase natural resources the chance of civil war goes up, but beyond a certain threshold the chances of civil war actually go down. If you have a lot of natural resources then the government can extract a lot of revenue and support a very strong military, "if you are rich enough you are safe".
On the linear ethnic-diversity variable, political scientists have been saying if a country is very ethnically diverse it is going to have a larger likelihood of civil war. This is not picked up in these correlations, as they are not significant. So it will not be more likely of a civil war if they are more ethnically diverse.
On the quadratic ethnic-diversity variable, conditional on the civil war breaking out it is likely to be drawn out for longer if there is more diversity. Again, with the quadratic mechanism it will go up and then if diversity is high then the duration is not that long. From absolute homogeneous to completely diverse it increases the duration of a civil war should it happen, but once it becomes very diverse the duration actually falls.
The ethnic diversity variable and income per capita relations are the most important correlation takeaways.
Theoretically, the maximum diversity occurs when every individual belongs to a distinct ethnic group.
To have a sense of group identity you need to have enough people who identify with your group values, the way of life, cultural, economic interests and so on. You need a minimum amount of closeness to have a team. If the country is absolutely homogeneity you'll likely have other factors which result in differences between them, so you need to be in the sweet spot.
Both economists and political scientists have postulated that ethno-linguistic fractionalisation is unambigously conflict-enhancing.
If you have a country with two ethnic groups, and they are similarly sized, that is where the potential for civil war is the highest as each group would be inclined to control the government. The peak is when the index is such that you have two similarly sized groups, and that is not very ethnically diverse.
"Economic Shocks and Civil Conflict: an Instrumental Variables Approach" - E. Miguel; S. Satyannath, E. Sergenti (2004)
Similar topic but tries to get at causal effects
This paper focuses on the negative correlation that the previous research highlights the association between economic conditions/performance and civil conflict [review in Sambanis (2001)]
If a country has lower GDP per capita they are more likely to be engaged in civil conflict. Endogeneity of economic variables to civil war cannot establish causality
However, we economists want to know if there is in fact a casual effect and if there were negative shocks to your GDP per capita, would this increase the country's likelihood of civil war or not.
This becomes an experiment where you shock the economy, and see if there is a spurt in the probability of civil war.
Same with Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, we know that good institutions foster economic growth, but they hadn't established causality so they used that instrument using colonisation with the disease environment.
This paper uses exogenous variation in rainfall as an independent variable for income growth to estimate the impact of economic growth on civil conflict.
Their sample consists of Sub-Saharan African countries:
Countries with on average low GDP per capita
Structural transformation has been so that it is still agricultural which is a primary sector in terms of employment and GDP (value added).
In most of these countries, most of the agriculture is rain-fed.
Plausible strategy for economies that rely on rain-fed agriculture: as only 1% of cropland is irrigated in the median African country, and the agricultural sector is large (World Development Indicator database).
Therefore, if the rains are good you get a good harvest, agriculture sector booms and GDP per capita is now relatively high. But if they experience a drought, which occurs frequently here, then they experience a negative shock through the agricultural sector and GDP per capita tanks. This is where we get the variation from.
Therefore, the instrument is exogenous variation in rainfall as it is correlated with economic growth as poor (good) harvest from a drought results in lower (higher) GDP per capita.
The second requirement of an instrument is that rainfall effects the onset of civil conflict only through the channel of economic growth and nothing else, and that is the exclusion restriction.
There are of course other channels, but we can address that later...
A lot of economists say that if you are looking at causal effects in a cross-sectional analysis of countries then the variation is actually is very difficult to make sense. So, you look at variation within the country.
E. Miguel (2005) - "Poverty & Witch Killing"
Utilises rainfall shocks as an instrument and was subsequently called the Rain-man among peers.
After the previous article and this being published in top journals, many researchers thought that they may have solved the problem for a good instrument which was rainfall shocks.
In this context it works because you are looking at majority rain-fed agriculture.
If you were at how rainfall shocks on rain-fed agriculture being an instrumental variable for economic growth in the UK, you would likely not find any correlation as agriculture relies on irrigation in the UK, and agriculture isn't the dominant sector in the UK either.
So rainfall shocks on economic growth is very context specific.
They use data on civil war which is much more detailed, one which is open and free and in the form of tables, titled Armed Conflict Data. The database was developed by the International Peace Research Institute of Oslo, Norway, and the University of Uppsala, Sweden (referred to as PRIO/Uppsala).
An armed conflict is defined as a "contested incompatibility which concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths (low-intensity conflict).
The database is careful to focus only on politically motivated violence. There are other types of organised violence such as crime, unrelated to the conflict (smuggling rackets, importing rackets).So, it does not capture many important types of organised violence in sub-Saharan Africa that do not directly involve the state.
There are also cases in ethnic groups engaging against each other as it is of course very diverse in ethno-linguistic groups so it doesn't focus specifically on that, it focuses on civil wars.
Therefore, the authors focus exclusively on civil wars.
They use the database of Global Precipitation Climatology Project (GPCP) of monthly rainfall estimates which stretch back to 1979.
The rainfall estimates are at different nodes for each point at which latitude and longitude degree lines cross, at 2.5 degree intervals. So it is not country based:
A country such as Kenya, a medium-sized African country contains eight rainfall data "nodes".
Whereas the largest country, Sudan, contains 34 nodes.
The GPCP rainfall measure at latitude-longitude degree node point p in country i during month m of year t is denoted Ripmt.
For that country they take an average of all those nodes to create the average annual rainfall for that country, as this analysis is done at the country year level as civil wars don't change month to month. The data rainfall is quite rich, many of the other variables you only get annual data.
Denote the average rainfall across all points p and months m for that year as Rit.
The principal measure of a rainfall shock is the proportional change in rainfall from the previous year
denoted ΔRit
The idea being that usually there are droughts, so if there is more rain than before, that should impact the output in a positive way.
The remaining data is drawn from Fearon and Laitin (2003) and from World Bank databases.
The main two control variables they account for are of course ethno-linguistic fractionalisation (drawn from the Soviet Ethnographic index, Atlas Marodov Mira) and religious fractionalisation (based on the CIA Factbook).
As the ethno-linguistic component was found to be correlated with civil war and that it could be correlated with economic growth, you need to control for that, as if you don't you have omitted variable bias.
Measures of democracy (from the Polity IV data set as it gives a rank), the log of per capita income (from the Penn World Tables and the World Bank), the proportion of a country that is mountainous, as this has impact on agricultural output.
They have been careful not to include:
Income inequality
Poverty
Measures of unemployment rates
as additional explanatory variables because of the large number of missing or unreliable African observations in existing macroeconomic series. These are potentially omitted variables.
You could argue that rainfall is purely exogenous.
The first bit of data is on conflict, Panel A, Panel B is rainfall, Panel C is economic growth,
So you want the effect of Panel A on Panel C, and Panel B is your instrumental variable. Panel D is a bunch of country characteristics that they control due to omitted variables. Interested in the causal effect of economic growth on civil conflict, does economic growth dampen the chances of civil war? Economic growth has a two way relationship (if there is civil war then naturally there will be lower economic growth).
They have evidently tried a whole bunch of different conflict variables.
For the Classification with 25 annual battle related deaths.
The mean is .27 and number of observations is 743. Looking at the span of years of 1981-99 there are 18 years , and if they have 743 observations, that means 743/18 is the number of countries that they have.
They are tracking that many countries over this period
The value 0.27 means that for a given year this variable for a given country either takes a value of zero or one, was there civil conflict in that year for that country which had at least 25 battle related deaths. The mean will inherently be between zero and one, being 0.27 which means in 27% of the 743 cases there was actually civil war conflict going on.
So, for more than a quarter of the time in that period there was some conflict going on.
They can break it up by onset when it started, or the offset of when it closed.
The stricter definition of 1,000 deaths is a jump which is significant but it doesn't disappear at the mean is still 0.17 so it is not likely you are loosing out on a lot, but still something. In 17% of the cases there were people who were dying, and this is still undercounting.
The average rainfall in ml is 1,000 with a lot of variation, the standard deviation is 500 over time and across the country.
Rainfall growth which is their main variable is also computed, and we get a mean and standard variation.
For economic growth, it is actually negative in that period. We are really talking about sub-saharan Africa which aligns with what we find. They countries were facing negative shocks.
GDP per capita
Democracy indicators
Extent of ethnic fractionalisation (a probability that the two people randomly picked up are from different groups), and the probability is 0.65 in the sample, which indicates heterogeneity. So, if they pick up two people there is a 65% chance that they are from different groups.
When using the CIA stuff it becomes 0.49.
Important Note: If the descriptive statistics do not look right, go back to the data and check if it is okay.
An instrumental variable is required, a simple OLS will not get you the correct measure because of this reverse causality. You must account for endogeneity by using this instrument:
An instrument is a variable used when inspecting how x affects y, where you introduce this instrumental variable as z with these characteristics:
z is correlated with x (something strongly correlated with economic growth)
Exclusion restriction: z must not be directly affecting y by itself
Rainfall shocks are introduced as the instrumental variable, rainfall shocks are potentially related with economic growth in the sample of countries being examined in sub-saharan Africa primarily reliant on rainfall fed agriculture. Agriculture is the dominant sector (main growth component of GDP) and a positive rainfall shock leads to higher amount of output through better harvests and therefore more harvest.
Annual rainfall shocks do not directly affect the likelihood of conflict, except for its effect through economic growth channel.
An instrumental variables approach is often consider a two staged least squares approach as you look at the instrument and the endogenous variable. The first stage relation is between rainfall shocks and growth, as if this is not true then the instrument is invalid as there is no knowing when using the instrument what you are picking up.
where
ai = Country Fixed Effects are included in some specifications to
capture time-invariant country characteristics that may be related to civil conflict.
Whenever using any variable which is such like "what proportion of the country is mountainous" you can't use this, as this would become perfectly correlated.
Also include country-specific time trends in most specifications to capture additional variation. Our t are our year dummies to account for any annual trends, these are shocks which affect all of the countries in the sample in a given year, you de-trend this as you want to inspect the specific rainfall effect in that country.
The term e is a disturbance term, and these disturbances are allowed to be correlated across years for the same country in all regressions. Captures everything which has not been accounted for.
Growth in country i over a period of time t is dependent on a multitude of factors, but most importantly the rainfall shock variables (ΔRit and ΔRi,t-1), growth in rainfall over previous years. Essentially the annual growth in rainfall.
The authors include not just one-period of growth but also the lag of that, because of course one year of bad rainfall with effect crops and harvests which may persist for longer than a year or two.
Regressions like these, where you observe a certain unit over a number of years, and you have a bunch of such units, is referred to as Panel Data Regressions.
Below are the results from the effect of rainfall shocks on economic growth.
First Column:
Growth in rainfall in that year (Growth in rainfall t), and the previous year are both positive and statistically significant, implying that if you had a good rainfall in this year and the previous year, economic growth in the current year is high.
We find evidence of our relation, but more robustness is done to add more variables.
Second Column:
Added more variables for robustness, such as:
Log GDP per capita
level of democracy in the country
degree of ethno-linguistic diversity
degree of religious diversity
whether it is an oil exporting country
what proportion of the country is mountainous
population
After adding all these, the coefficient on rainfall growth and in the current year and the past year is still positive and significant.
Implying that the instrument is indeed correlated with economic growth.
Column's 3, 4 and 5 continue by adding and removing more control variables to highlight the robustness of the relation between growth and rainfall, and economic growth.
Column 4:
Has three growth in rainfall variables:
Growth in rainfall in year t (current period)
Growth in rainfall in year t-1 (last year)
Growth in the rainfall in year t+1 (the future)
In the first two, the coefficient is positive and significant as rainfall shocks effect the economic growth. The reason for this is referred to as a falsification test as if the third variable was also significant then we would be worried why future rainfall could come back and effect economic growth today.
The first stage relationship between rainfall and income growth is strongly positive: both the current and lagged rainfall are significantly related to economic growth.
This makes sense as the countries we are investigating as positive rainfall typically leads to better agricultural production since most of sub-Saharan Africa les within the semi-arid tropics and is prone to drought. It is the lack of rainfall which is typically the problem.
Somewhat of a technical point: we need to correlation between the instrument and the endogenous variable to be sufficiently strong. We use the F-statistic which (F-Statistic is 4.5 in regression 3), which is not very high and suggesting that the IV-2SLS estimates may be somewhat biased toward OLS estimates. If it is 10 and above, we are typically happy.
To bolster the argument that there is a relationship between rainfall shocks and economic growth we do the column four regression. This is the identification check for the "false experiment" specification in which future rainfall shocks on economic growth should be orthogonal to current economic growth, conditional on country-specific time trends is included as an explanatory variable. We find that it is not significant.
The first test has passed, so we now run the main idea regression, economic growth and civil conflict. We also report the OLS results:
Column 1 uses a probit, as you're investigating whether there was conflict in the year or not.
Column's 2, 3, 4 use OLS
Columns, 5, 6, 7 use rainfall shocks instrumental variable and report the instrumental variable result. Therefore, these are the main results, but the other are still relevant.
Column's 1-4, looking at economic growth coefficient at either the current year or the previous year that does not seem to be correlated with civil war. The coefficients are negative but not statistically significant.
If they believed it was causal through OLS, they would think that it doesn't matter if the country has more economic growth, it wouldn't lead to civil war. Which obviously is not very accurate.
This OLS suffers from previous limitations of the previous paper through reverse causation, etc, etc.
In Column 5, we introduce the rainfall shock instrument and we see the coefficient on economic growth experience an increase in magnitude and become statistically significant. OLS estimates are biased downwards which mean that the actual effect of economic growth is even larger than what was captured in columns 1-4.
In column 5, we have introduce the country characteristics.
In column 6, we introduce the country dummies, and can no longer introduce country characteristics as these are perfectly correlated, and the effects are largely similar. The coefficient on economic growth in the previous year is negative and significant.
A point of concern arises as we expected economic growth in the current year to be negative and significant as well, looking at economic growth rate in year t, is negative but not statistically significant. The growth variable kicks in with a lag.
If you had a negative economic shock last year, then this year you are more likely to have a civil war, and is not instantaneous.
The authors did a joint test to see whether you can reject that both are negative and significant, you cannot reject that as growth in the past year and growth in the current year might be correlated to some extent so the negative sign and the significance is not just capturing the previous, it is probably also picking up the current year. So, no need to be concerned. There probably is a time gap in the dynamics.
In column 7, they employ the strict definition of civil war that you need to have at least 1,000 deaths, and the that contemporaneous growth coefficient is negative.
We notice that the effect is big
The size of the estimated impact is huge
Focusing on the IV-2SLS fixed-effects specification as the benchmark.
The point estimate indicates that a 1% point decline in GDP increases the likelihood of civil war conflict by over 2% points.
A 5% point drop in annual growth increases the likelihood of a civil conflict in the following year by over 12% points which amounts to an increase of more than one-half in the likelihood of civil war.
IV-2SLS estimate is in fact much larger and more negative than the OLS estimates, which suggests bias due measurement error in the per-capita income growth measures likely to be larger in magnitude than the endogeneity bias, which is presumably negative.
There is an unexpected finding of positive (though insignificant) point estimates on lagged growth in certain OLS specifications (regressions 3 and 4), which casts some doubt on this attenuation bias explanation for the difference between the OLS and IV estimates.
The main contribution lies in the contribution through an instrumental variables for which you can actually get to a causal estimate.
We have established that in the sample of countries that we have studied, relevant sample as civil wars do happen in more than a quarter of the cases/observation, an increase in economic growth decreases the chances of civil war.
What we want to find out now is what other country characteristics effect the relation between growth and civil war. Is it the case that it is more likely to happen in countries which are not democratic, more ethnically diverse, or religious diversity. To understand this you need to interact the growth variables with the relevant country characteristics.
If the interactionary terms turns out to be significant then you can say that these effects are either amplified or damped in countries with those characteristics.
In columns 1-5, each of the country characteristics are interacted with economic growth.
Column 1: Interaction with economic growth and democracy. Is the effect of economic growth on civil war larger or smaller in democracy. We know that it is negative, but is the magnitude larger in democracy.
The interactionary terms are not statistically significant.
It does not matter if the country is democratic or not, the magnitude effect is largely similar.
The democracy interaction results indicate that relatively non-democratic African countries hit by negative income shocks are just as prone to civil conflict as relatively democratic countries.
There are similarly weak results for interactions with various alternative democracy measures, including measures that classify countries as democracies if they attain certain Polity IV (four) democracy thresholds.
Column 2: economic growth and higher per capita income levels in 1979. Is the effect larger?
It is not statistically significant
Suggesting that negative relation between economic growth and civil conflict does not depend on how rich or how poor the country is.
The authors make a detailed defence by using rainfall shocks as an instrument. Of course it is correlated with economic growth, but the problem is the claim that rainfall shocks affect civil wars only through the channel of economic growth and nothing else.
They go about this by testing certain violations, and whether they hold or not.
One could argue that if there is very heavy rainfall and it floods, then it may destroy roads leading to damaged connectivity infrastructure. This makes it more difficult to push back the rebel groups. In principal this could happen. So, high rainfall might directly affect civil conflict independently of economic conditions:
Rainfall shocks are modest, from drought to decent rainfall.
This suggests that if you have more rainfall, you should have more conflict. But we see that less rainfall results in more conflict so logically this doesn't hold up. This is not a serious threat to estimation strategy, since higher rainfall levels are associated with significantly less conflict in the reduced-form regressions. Thus, the estimates would be lower bounds on the true impact of economic growth on civil conflict.
They use data on road networks from the world bank, and see that if the rainfall shocks that they document actually damage the road network. and there is nothing significant. These were not sweeping floods.
2. Low rainfall may be associated with heat waves as heat waves make people very uncomfortable and it raises tempers.
They checked, and showed there is a lag, the rainfall shock variable and the growth variable of the past year appears to be more influential. It is not an instantaneous reaction.
Showed that the incidence of conflict using the 25-death threshold is most responsive to economic growth (and rainfall) lagged by on year, which would presumably leave ample time for "cooler" heads to prevail and avert such conflicts.
The fact that there is a time lag, we can disregard this.
Paper address a major methodological problem that lies at the core of the cross-country empirical literature on civil wars, the potential endogeneity of economic factors used as explanatory variables.
Public Policy Perspective: Short term-drop in the opportunity cost of being a rebel (or government) soldier significantly increases the incidence of civil conflict, it may be possible to reduce the incidence of conflict through the design of better income insurance for unemployed young men during hard economic times.
Public work schemes focused on building roads, facilitating the transport of foood, as well as irrigation and other water projects could also serve to somewhat reduce local vulnerability to future rainfall shocks.